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A Republic, If You Can Keep It When Benjamin Franklin was asked what kind of government the Constitutional Convention had given the infant United States, he replied, “A Republic, if you can keep it.” The collapse of the Roman Republic and the impending demise of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth should have been warning enough that republics tend to collapse when their people no longer remember what their countries stand for. Today, self-serving members of Congress are aiding the enemies of the United States by trying to undercut our Armed Forces in Iraq. While Congress has the power to declare war (or authorize the use of force), it is the President’s job to direct the war’s conduct. It is hard to imagine anything better for the morale of the enemy than to read about how Representatives and Senators are introducing legislation to force President Bush to withdraw our troops. The Polish Sejm (Parliament), in which any member could veto an appropriation, was the last major legislative body that did this sort of thing. The Sejm eventually lost its power to legislate or veto anything whatsoever, because Russia, Prussia, and Austria divided Poland and thereby relieved its citizens of the need to govern themselves. The fate of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is in fact quite instructive. Like the United States, it was probably the most powerful nation on earth when it was at the height of its power. It had a nearly-invincible military apparatus in the form of its elite cavalry and amazing scientific innovations. Poland’s heavy cavalry, cuirassiers with long (hollow) lances that could outreach infantry pikes, could simply ride through and over Swedish pike-and-musket formations. The only way to be safe from the Husaria was to get inside a tabor (Cossack wagon fortress), in which case the Poles would doubtlessly bring up fast-moving horse artillery–they introduced it perhaps a hundred years before the Prussians–to blast you out of it. One source claims that Polish infantry had ten times as much firepower as contemporary Spanish tercios, presumably through a far more efficient volley system. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth also had most if not all of the freedoms that were encompassed in the original Bill of Rights. These included freedom of speech and freedom of religion. Although only the hereditary gentry (szlachta) could vote, only landowners could vote in the early United States. The two countries were therefore comparable in their freedoms, and the Poles were perhaps two hundred years ahead of us in enacting them. Furthermore, Poland’s flag (unlike the flags of European monarchies, which often bore a royal family’s coat of arms), stood for liberty. According to Polish legend, a white eagle defended her nest against Duke Lech, one of Poland’s founders, so successfully that the Duke gave up his attack and used the white eagle as a symbol of Polish willingness to defend their land from aggressors. How, then, could a country so similar to the early United States, and one that possessed a formidable military apparatus like that of the modern United States, have allowed itself to be partitioned by three other countries? When Poland created its Parliament, it set it up to require a unanimous vote to do anything. The purpose was to prevent a “tyranny of the majority” from trampling the rights and freedoms of any Pole. What was amazing was that it actually worked for several decades, at least well enough to avoid any major disasters. In 1652, however,
It also turned out that Janusz Radziwill was a traitor to his country, having aligned himself with King Charles Gustav of Sweden.
The corruptability of the Polish Sejm, and the fact that a single veto could prevent the Commonwealth from actually using its almost-invincible army, became quite apparent to other geopolitical aspirants. In 1683, agents of King Louis XIV tried to bribe members of the Sejm into vetoing war against the Ottoman Empire, which was in the process of invading Central Europe. They failed only because the Vatican’s agents outbribed them.
Even individuals as far to the left as Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid deserve credit for recognizing their responsibility to our Armed Forces and the credibility of the United States.
It is also necessary to remind the Democratic Left, whose members were baying for Saddam Hussein’s blood during the late 1990s, of their own responsibility for this war. Hillary Clinton cannot make a speech like this in 2002 and now join the lynch mob that is baying, “Bush lied and men died.”
Nor can Albert Gore make this kind of speech in 1998 and, when Bush acted on the words of Gore and other Democrats in 2003, proclaim, “He betrayed this country.” If so, Mr. Gore, you are equally a traitor if not more so, noting your alleged acceptance of illegal campaign contributions from a hostile foreign power (China).
So tell us again, Albert Gore, how George Bush “betrayed this country” by fixing the problem you described in the above speech. This, meanwhile, is what John Kerry said as recently as January 2003:
If we want to keep our Republic, we must make it clear to the Radziwills, the Quislings, Russ Feingold, Barbara Boxer, Al Gore, the Clintons, and Genghis John the Khan Kerry that we voters will not tolerate these insults to our intelligence, nor will we tolerate self-serving efforts to undermine our Armed Forces during time of war. These individuals’ actions must have consequences during next year’s elections. |
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